Zgryźliwość kojarzy mi się z radością, która źle skończyła.
T
HE
V
IKING
A
GE AND THE
C
RUSADES
E
RA IN
Y
NGVARS SAGA VÍÐF
†
RLA
G
ALINA
G
LAZYRINA
T
HE
V
IKING
A
GE
:
T
HE
O
RIGIN OF
Y
NGVAR
'
S
T
ALE
.
It is a rare and happy event in the early history of Sweden, which is otherwise not well
documented, that the expedition led by Yngvar was recorded in two different types of
medieval source. About twenty-five rune-stones, located in Central Sweden close to Lake
Mälar, were erected in the mid-eleventh century to commemorate the deceased participants in
the expedition, one of the last Viking Age expeditions to the east. Short, formulaic phrases
carved on the stones name more than 20 warriors who went with Yngvar. That these stones are
so numerous testifies that it was a large-scale and well-organized venture.
Yngvars saga víðf†rla
written in Iceland about a century and half after the stones were
raised, is largely devoted to a voyage which Yngvar Akason, a Swedish nobleman, undertook
with a fleet of 30 fully manned ships. The saga does not abound in details. Not many of those
who took part are named, only Yngvar's closest companions. The place-names mentioned in
the saga are not sufficient to give an indication of Yngvar's exact route, but it is certain that he
came to Rus' and left it after three years. We do not know his final destination. The
chronology of the event, on the other hand, is well documented: the date of the hero's death
mentioned in the text (1041 in AM 343 a 4to, 1040 in GKS 2845 4to)
leads
one to the
conclusion that Yngvar's expedition started from Sweden in the late 1030s. The dating of the
saga correlates with that suggested by the rune-stones.
The sources allow us to reconstruct the way in which a narrative about Yngvar's travel may
have originated and developed in oral transmission, as well as to see what its original form
may have been.
It seems most probable that the first oral stories about Yngvar's men were composed in
Sweden in the middle of the eleventh century. Once the news of a disaster to the expedition
reached the country, it quickly spread around the area from where the ships' crews had been
recruited. The news was transmitted from one house to another and was much discussed. The
families which lost their men – fathers, sons or husbands – presented their stories in a slightly
Sagas & Societies:
Galina Glazyrina
2
different way from their neighbours: they praised the courage and grieved over the death of
their
lost relatives, glorifying them as is customary in such tales. Each time a new rune-stone
was erected in the vicinity of Lake Mälar, interest in the expedition intensified; new details,
both real and invented, were brought to life and added to what had been told earlier. As time
passed, the agitation about the shocking news calmed down. Details of personal tragedies
faded, and not even the names of the participants of the expedition were remembered. The
personages of the YS are not the Swedes mentioned on the rune-stones. They are Ketill (an
Icelander), Hjálmvígi (possibly a German
, Valdimarr (who seems to have been a Russian
,
and Soti (whose home country is not specified; it is probable that he was a Swede
; all are
from different countries, forming a sort of international team.
There were, however, some details common to all the stories.
The name of the leader of the
expedition – Yngvar – must have been repeated every time the tragedy was recounted. There
must also have been a general consensus about the direction of the route: it is mentioned in
quite a number of runic inscriptions that the warriors went to the east
Some stories might
also have shared detailed descriptions of the most notable or most amusing episodes of the
journey, in which both the warriors and their leader Yngvar showed great prowess in fighting
the enemy or nature. It is problematic, however, whether the destination of the expedition
could have become a general feature: Yngvar's men did not all fall in the same battle at the
same place which could be remembered. It is most likely that the stories named different
places where participants of the expedition died, so that the name of the actual place where
Yngvar's journey ended was lost.
The narrative elements often repeated in family or local stories gradually became more
important. They survived and formed a general outline of an
Yngvar's tale
which became part
of the popular repertoire of story-tellers.
The saga itself states that it was told at the royal court in Sweden and from there came to
Iceland. It says: "En Isleifur sagdizt heyrt hafa Yngvars sogu af einum kaup[manni], enn sa
kuezt hafa numit hana j hird Suiakongs"
The storyteller from whom the merchant borrowed
the tale may have been one of the king's warriors. The tale may also have been performed by a
professional storyteller (or saga-teller) whose regular task was to entertain the king and his
distinguished guests.
Sagas & Societies:
Galina Glazyrina
3
Y
NGVAR
'
S TALE IN
O
RAL
T
RANSMISSION
.
When talking about the oral transmission of medieval narrative, one has to rely upon the
practice of performing living modern epics. Professional narrators of folk tales very seldom
commit the whole of the story to memory. The majority of them memorized only a general
outline of it. During the performance the story was ornamented with details borrowed from a
certain artistic "creative fund" which each narrator possessed. The fund consisted of a limited
number of ready-made scenes, short stories and descriptions or details, with which the narrator
could improvise and which he could combine at will with the plot of a story. A good narrator –
a professional – was distinguished by the variety of subordinate elements he kept in his
memory
Applied to oral story transmission, this theory allows us to presume that a storyteller did not
always know and did not have to remember all the details of the narratives in his repertoire. In
his oral presentation the storyteller followed the general outline of the narrative, but its
detailed arrangement depended both on the storyteller's background knowledge and on his
choice of certain elements from his "creative fund". It also depended on the genre of his work
and on his audience.
The story-teller who chose to include Yngvar's tale in his repertoire – be he a Swede or an
Icelander – was free to expand the narrative within the confines of the subject which dealt with
the travels of Scandinavians to the east. Quite common in this context were stories about
northerners at the court of Yaroslav the Wise, whose policy of attracting them to his service
was widely known. If the tale did not mention Yngvar's stay in Rus', the story-teller could
easily let Yngvar spend three years there
If the story-teller was not aware of Yngvar's exact
heroic deeds, he could use some amusing "military anecdotes" brought by the Varangians
from Byzantium (similar to those in
Eymundar þáttr
and
Haralds saga Sigurðarsonar
),
and
add them to the tale of Yngvar
from travellers’ stories told by merchants or warriors who
went down or up the Dnieper he might have added a description of the great cataracts on that
river
etc. It seems that the storyteller was free to choose any appropriate episode from his
"creative fund" for his performance, and give his own interpretation of it.
What the saga-teller was not free to misinterpret, in order to get a favourable reaction from the
audience, was the flavour of the event he was describing. In the case of Yngvar's tale we can
sense this in one versified runic inscription which explains why the fallen participants of the
expedition were praised by their relatives and other contemporaries (who were the audience of
Sagas & Societies:
Galina Glazyrina
4
the early storyteller of Yngvar's exploits) as brave warriors who, like many other Vikings
before them, sought wealth and fame in distant lands:
They fared like
drængiaR
far after gold,
and in the east
gave the eagle food.
12
Thus it seems most probable that at the earlier stage of its oral transmission,
Yngvar's tale
was
a typical story about a brave Viking called Yngvar who led a large expedition from Sweden to
the east, visited Garðaríki, passed safely over the river cataracts, triumphed skilfully in battles,
and in the end tragically perished in some distant land with many of those men who followed
him. The tale was created at the very end of the Viking Age. It was meant for people who still
remembered the Viking Age and appreciated its ideals and heroes.
An Yngvar's tale of this kind was brought from Sweden to Iceland. Performed in different
parts of the country by different saga-tellers, it circulated in several oral versions: "Þessa sogu
segizt Oddr munkr heyrt hafa segia þann prest, er Isleifur hiet, ok annann Glum Þorgeirsson,
ok hinn þridi hefer Þorer heitit"
Before it was written down as part of the YS it was told by
at least two generations of Icelanders: "Glumur hafdi numit [sogu] af fodur sinum"
Each
storyteller might have contributed to the tale – by adding details, creating new episodes, and
changing the interpretation of the events he recounted. The author of the YS seems to want to
specify that for his written saga he used the tale which had been compiled by Oddr Snorrason,
who combined several versions of the tale: "Af þeira frasaugn hafdi hann þat, er honum þotti
merkiligazt"
"Y
NGVARS SAGA VÍÐF
†
RLA
"
OF THE
T
IME OF THE
C
RUSADES
.
The written YS clearly demonstrates that its author was interested not only in the heroic
exploits of his heroes. More than that, the idea which he gradually displays in his work had
nothing to do with the ideals of the Scandinavian Viking Age. The new subject which he
introduced to Yngvar's tale is Christianity in its strong opposition to heathenism. It appears
that Yngvar's tale alone did not provide the author with an opportunity to expand on this new
aspect. A continuation of the whole narrative was needed, and therefore the final part of the
saga – a story about Svein, Yngvar's son, and his mission – was attached to the basic narrative.
Sagas & Societies:
Galina Glazyrina
5
The new subject shows itself in the first episodes of Yngvar's journey. Soon after Yngvar left
the Russia of King Yaroslav he came into the realm of Queen Silkisif. In spite of a friendly
reception by the queen, Yngvar ordered his people that they should not have any contact with
the citizens of Citopolis so that none of his mates would be affected by heathen beliefs and
take part in heathen practices. Also, it was particularly forbidden to have contact with heathen
women. The prohibition was so severe that Yngvar ordered that several men who disobeyed
him be put to death.
The Swedes reacted in the same way when they came to the city of Hieliopolis, the ruler of
which invited them to spend the winter there. What attracted the attention of the Swedes was
that the streets of the city bore many signs of heathen sacrifice. Thus "Yngvar urged his men
to pray earnestly and hold fast to their faith"
This time Yngvar guarded his people better,
and none of them "defiled himself by having affairs with women or any other kind of heathen
practice"
The episodes of wintering in the cities of the heathen – in Citopolis and Heliopolis – are
structurally similar, as shown in the table below.
Wintering in Citopolis
Wintering in Heliopolis
The ruler of the city distinguishes himself (herself) from the rest of his (her) people
Queen Silkisif stands out from other women
by her clothes and her beauty
On a ship which approaches Yngvar's fleet
there is a man a man named Jolf whose
clothing sets him apart from his companions
The languages the ruler speaks
Silkisif asks Yngvar questions in many
languages
Jolf speaks in several languages
Invitation for wintering in the city
The queen invites Yngvar and his people to
Jolf invites Yngvar to winter in his city, and
insists on their accepting his invitation
her city, where they spend a whole winter
zanotowane.pl doc.pisz.pl pdf.pisz.pl hannaeva.xlx.pl
HE
V
IKING
A
GE AND THE
C
RUSADES
E
RA IN
Y
NGVARS SAGA VÍÐF
†
RLA
G
ALINA
G
LAZYRINA
T
HE
V
IKING
A
GE
:
T
HE
O
RIGIN OF
Y
NGVAR
'
S
T
ALE
.
It is a rare and happy event in the early history of Sweden, which is otherwise not well
documented, that the expedition led by Yngvar was recorded in two different types of
medieval source. About twenty-five rune-stones, located in Central Sweden close to Lake
Mälar, were erected in the mid-eleventh century to commemorate the deceased participants in
the expedition, one of the last Viking Age expeditions to the east. Short, formulaic phrases
carved on the stones name more than 20 warriors who went with Yngvar. That these stones are
so numerous testifies that it was a large-scale and well-organized venture.
Yngvars saga víðf†rla
written in Iceland about a century and half after the stones were
raised, is largely devoted to a voyage which Yngvar Akason, a Swedish nobleman, undertook
with a fleet of 30 fully manned ships. The saga does not abound in details. Not many of those
who took part are named, only Yngvar's closest companions. The place-names mentioned in
the saga are not sufficient to give an indication of Yngvar's exact route, but it is certain that he
came to Rus' and left it after three years. We do not know his final destination. The
chronology of the event, on the other hand, is well documented: the date of the hero's death
mentioned in the text (1041 in AM 343 a 4to, 1040 in GKS 2845 4to)
leads
one to the
conclusion that Yngvar's expedition started from Sweden in the late 1030s. The dating of the
saga correlates with that suggested by the rune-stones.
The sources allow us to reconstruct the way in which a narrative about Yngvar's travel may
have originated and developed in oral transmission, as well as to see what its original form
may have been.
It seems most probable that the first oral stories about Yngvar's men were composed in
Sweden in the middle of the eleventh century. Once the news of a disaster to the expedition
reached the country, it quickly spread around the area from where the ships' crews had been
recruited. The news was transmitted from one house to another and was much discussed. The
families which lost their men – fathers, sons or husbands – presented their stories in a slightly
Sagas & Societies:
Galina Glazyrina
2
different way from their neighbours: they praised the courage and grieved over the death of
their
lost relatives, glorifying them as is customary in such tales. Each time a new rune-stone
was erected in the vicinity of Lake Mälar, interest in the expedition intensified; new details,
both real and invented, were brought to life and added to what had been told earlier. As time
passed, the agitation about the shocking news calmed down. Details of personal tragedies
faded, and not even the names of the participants of the expedition were remembered. The
personages of the YS are not the Swedes mentioned on the rune-stones. They are Ketill (an
Icelander), Hjálmvígi (possibly a German
, Valdimarr (who seems to have been a Russian
,
and Soti (whose home country is not specified; it is probable that he was a Swede
; all are
from different countries, forming a sort of international team.
There were, however, some details common to all the stories.
The name of the leader of the
expedition – Yngvar – must have been repeated every time the tragedy was recounted. There
must also have been a general consensus about the direction of the route: it is mentioned in
quite a number of runic inscriptions that the warriors went to the east
Some stories might
also have shared detailed descriptions of the most notable or most amusing episodes of the
journey, in which both the warriors and their leader Yngvar showed great prowess in fighting
the enemy or nature. It is problematic, however, whether the destination of the expedition
could have become a general feature: Yngvar's men did not all fall in the same battle at the
same place which could be remembered. It is most likely that the stories named different
places where participants of the expedition died, so that the name of the actual place where
Yngvar's journey ended was lost.
The narrative elements often repeated in family or local stories gradually became more
important. They survived and formed a general outline of an
Yngvar's tale
which became part
of the popular repertoire of story-tellers.
The saga itself states that it was told at the royal court in Sweden and from there came to
Iceland. It says: "En Isleifur sagdizt heyrt hafa Yngvars sogu af einum kaup[manni], enn sa
kuezt hafa numit hana j hird Suiakongs"
The storyteller from whom the merchant borrowed
the tale may have been one of the king's warriors. The tale may also have been performed by a
professional storyteller (or saga-teller) whose regular task was to entertain the king and his
distinguished guests.
Sagas & Societies:
Galina Glazyrina
3
Y
NGVAR
'
S TALE IN
O
RAL
T
RANSMISSION
.
When talking about the oral transmission of medieval narrative, one has to rely upon the
practice of performing living modern epics. Professional narrators of folk tales very seldom
commit the whole of the story to memory. The majority of them memorized only a general
outline of it. During the performance the story was ornamented with details borrowed from a
certain artistic "creative fund" which each narrator possessed. The fund consisted of a limited
number of ready-made scenes, short stories and descriptions or details, with which the narrator
could improvise and which he could combine at will with the plot of a story. A good narrator –
a professional – was distinguished by the variety of subordinate elements he kept in his
memory
Applied to oral story transmission, this theory allows us to presume that a storyteller did not
always know and did not have to remember all the details of the narratives in his repertoire. In
his oral presentation the storyteller followed the general outline of the narrative, but its
detailed arrangement depended both on the storyteller's background knowledge and on his
choice of certain elements from his "creative fund". It also depended on the genre of his work
and on his audience.
The story-teller who chose to include Yngvar's tale in his repertoire – be he a Swede or an
Icelander – was free to expand the narrative within the confines of the subject which dealt with
the travels of Scandinavians to the east. Quite common in this context were stories about
northerners at the court of Yaroslav the Wise, whose policy of attracting them to his service
was widely known. If the tale did not mention Yngvar's stay in Rus', the story-teller could
easily let Yngvar spend three years there
If the story-teller was not aware of Yngvar's exact
heroic deeds, he could use some amusing "military anecdotes" brought by the Varangians
from Byzantium (similar to those in
Eymundar þáttr
and
Haralds saga Sigurðarsonar
),
and
add them to the tale of Yngvar
from travellers’ stories told by merchants or warriors who
went down or up the Dnieper he might have added a description of the great cataracts on that
river
etc. It seems that the storyteller was free to choose any appropriate episode from his
"creative fund" for his performance, and give his own interpretation of it.
What the saga-teller was not free to misinterpret, in order to get a favourable reaction from the
audience, was the flavour of the event he was describing. In the case of Yngvar's tale we can
sense this in one versified runic inscription which explains why the fallen participants of the
expedition were praised by their relatives and other contemporaries (who were the audience of
Sagas & Societies:
Galina Glazyrina
4
the early storyteller of Yngvar's exploits) as brave warriors who, like many other Vikings
before them, sought wealth and fame in distant lands:
They fared like
drængiaR
far after gold,
and in the east
gave the eagle food.
12
Thus it seems most probable that at the earlier stage of its oral transmission,
Yngvar's tale
was
a typical story about a brave Viking called Yngvar who led a large expedition from Sweden to
the east, visited Garðaríki, passed safely over the river cataracts, triumphed skilfully in battles,
and in the end tragically perished in some distant land with many of those men who followed
him. The tale was created at the very end of the Viking Age. It was meant for people who still
remembered the Viking Age and appreciated its ideals and heroes.
An Yngvar's tale of this kind was brought from Sweden to Iceland. Performed in different
parts of the country by different saga-tellers, it circulated in several oral versions: "Þessa sogu
segizt Oddr munkr heyrt hafa segia þann prest, er Isleifur hiet, ok annann Glum Þorgeirsson,
ok hinn þridi hefer Þorer heitit"
Before it was written down as part of the YS it was told by
at least two generations of Icelanders: "Glumur hafdi numit [sogu] af fodur sinum"
Each
storyteller might have contributed to the tale – by adding details, creating new episodes, and
changing the interpretation of the events he recounted. The author of the YS seems to want to
specify that for his written saga he used the tale which had been compiled by Oddr Snorrason,
who combined several versions of the tale: "Af þeira frasaugn hafdi hann þat, er honum þotti
merkiligazt"
"Y
NGVARS SAGA VÍÐF
†
RLA
"
OF THE
T
IME OF THE
C
RUSADES
.
The written YS clearly demonstrates that its author was interested not only in the heroic
exploits of his heroes. More than that, the idea which he gradually displays in his work had
nothing to do with the ideals of the Scandinavian Viking Age. The new subject which he
introduced to Yngvar's tale is Christianity in its strong opposition to heathenism. It appears
that Yngvar's tale alone did not provide the author with an opportunity to expand on this new
aspect. A continuation of the whole narrative was needed, and therefore the final part of the
saga – a story about Svein, Yngvar's son, and his mission – was attached to the basic narrative.
Sagas & Societies:
Galina Glazyrina
5
The new subject shows itself in the first episodes of Yngvar's journey. Soon after Yngvar left
the Russia of King Yaroslav he came into the realm of Queen Silkisif. In spite of a friendly
reception by the queen, Yngvar ordered his people that they should not have any contact with
the citizens of Citopolis so that none of his mates would be affected by heathen beliefs and
take part in heathen practices. Also, it was particularly forbidden to have contact with heathen
women. The prohibition was so severe that Yngvar ordered that several men who disobeyed
him be put to death.
The Swedes reacted in the same way when they came to the city of Hieliopolis, the ruler of
which invited them to spend the winter there. What attracted the attention of the Swedes was
that the streets of the city bore many signs of heathen sacrifice. Thus "Yngvar urged his men
to pray earnestly and hold fast to their faith"
This time Yngvar guarded his people better,
and none of them "defiled himself by having affairs with women or any other kind of heathen
practice"
The episodes of wintering in the cities of the heathen – in Citopolis and Heliopolis – are
structurally similar, as shown in the table below.
Wintering in Citopolis
Wintering in Heliopolis
The ruler of the city distinguishes himself (herself) from the rest of his (her) people
Queen Silkisif stands out from other women
by her clothes and her beauty
On a ship which approaches Yngvar's fleet
there is a man a man named Jolf whose
clothing sets him apart from his companions
The languages the ruler speaks
Silkisif asks Yngvar questions in many
languages
Jolf speaks in several languages
Invitation for wintering in the city
The queen invites Yngvar and his people to
Jolf invites Yngvar to winter in his city, and
insists on their accepting his invitation
her city, where they spend a whole winter